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Revista
Latina de Comunicación Social 63 - 2008
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Edita: LAboratorio de Tecnologías de la Información
y Nuevos Análisis de Comunicación Social |
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Immigration in Canarian Press Photography Ddo. Alberto Ardévol Abreu [C.V.] Doctoral Student – University of La Laguna - alberardevol@gmail.com Abstract: Press photography contributes to the construction of news discourse just as importantly as the texts which accompany them. An analysis of immigration pictures in four Canary Islands’ major revealed that media agenda’s focus on certain aspects of the immigration phenomena provides a distorted representation of reality. With little differences among the main papers studied, immigration is associated exclusively with the arrival of boats (fishing canoes) from the neighboring continent. As a result, immigrants are usually depicted as Moroccans or Sub-saharans, prevailing a homogeneous representation of the group instead of presenting their individuality and differences. Furthermore, Africans tend to be associated with weakness, subordination and lack of initiative as well as with crime, while other and much more numerous groups, such as Latin Americans, are taken for granted in these pictures. Keywords: Photojournalism; photography; Canary Islands; immigration; framing; agenda setting. Tralated by Natali Gonzalez Villariny, Ph. D. (UCM), Puerto Rico Summary: 1. Introduction. 1.1. Conceptual framework. 2. Methodology. 3. Findigns. 3.1. Days Distribution 3.2. Preferred Sections 3.3. Photo Sources 3.4. Used Genres 3.5. Photojournalism / Photo illustration 3.6. Image’s Central Figures 3.7. Origin of Immigrants 3.8. Immigration and Crime 3.9. Photo Angle 3.10. Conclusions 3.10.1. Perspectives from Photographers and Readers 3.10.2. Immigration-Crime Binomial. 4. Notes. 5. References. 1. Introduction
The photographic image can manipulate reality as readily as words do, with the aggravating factor that the viewer tends to see them as a trustworthy witness of facts and does not place them under the same scrutiny as a text. The graphic editor selects the images he wants to publish along with a news story and it is here where subjectivity and even manipulation, whether done in a conscious or unconscious fashion, come into play. As Vilches (1993: 19) puts it: “The picture is shown as a trustworthy and transparent testimony of an event or a public character’s deed. We will show this is not the case, for multiple reasons.” Later he adds that: “a picture is a subjective view of a photographer and of the newspaper that publishes it”. (Ibid, 244). Studies on immigration and minorities in the press reveal these groups tend to be shown as subordinated to the native population and are, additionally, linked to criminal behavior, economic problems, unemployment and so on. Critical discourse analysis done by Dutch researcher Van Dijk (1997) has concluded that the “Occidental press, especially rightwing press, reproduces and emphasizes a negative image of minorities, immigrants and refugees, fueling intolerance, prejudice and discrimination […] Research findings are not so different in Spain: Muñiz e Igartúa (2004) observed how both the press and television tend to focus on immigration as a problem, while at the same time presenting a polarized view of immigrants and those who support them, on the one side, and the institutions that represent society on the other. Although little specific research has been done on press photography and immigration, it seems that images follow this general behavior and are linked with the text to the construction of a xenophobic, or at least non integrative, discourse. Muñiz, Igartúa and Otero (2006) analyzed press images in the principal national dailies and found that immigrants tend to be shown engaging in negative activities (being arrested, begging in the streets and in other prejudicial contexts) while the other actors (policemen, politicians …) receive a better treatment. Our hypothesis is, therefore, that we will obtain similar findings within the Canary Islands context. In previous papers we have shown how the editorial line of some newspapers in the Canary Islands favors discrimination and stereotypical depictions of immigrant groups (Ardévol, 2008). In this complementary study we aim to corroborate if images, along with the news text, contribute to the construction of a marginalizing discourse and if ethnic minorities are linked to criminal behavior and to a diverse array of problems. 1.1. Conceptual Framework: The Framing Theory Contrary to what the Hypodermic Needle Model proposes, mass media does not act as an absolute determinant of our perspectives, opinions and representations of reality. Notwithstanding, they provide a point of view, an observation post for us to contemplate reality, magnifying some of its aspects and minimizing or hiding others. The press, as well as other forms of mass communication, frames their news in order to emphasize the salience of certain reality elements in detriment of others providing their readers with a deformed and stereotypical version of reality. In fact, the news frame is the organizing idea of the story; the key theme which organizes the rest of the information because a group of isolated facts, without a connection of any kind, does not make a news story (Muñiz e Igartúa, 2004). 2. Method Articles about local immigrants (people coming to the Canary Islands from another Spanish provinces) or immigrants coming from the Schengen [2] area were not included. Although in a strict sense they are immigrants, we cannot consider them as belonging to an ethnic minority. [3] 2.1. Data Analysis Sheet - Identification data: newspaper, date, day of the week, page, section, image origin, news genre, caption. - Photographic Content Analysis: 1.- Internal Context: Leading and secondary characters featured on photos, roles and relationships between them, actions, presence or absence of corpses, police elements… 2.- External Context: Captions that provide essential information, such as immigrants’ origin, the situation they’re in… 3.-Formal Aspects of Images (expression shots): camera angle. - Image Type, considering its news and informative value: Illustrative photo / Informative / News value [4]. In order to develop the variables related to coding units, a mixed inductive and deductive procedure was used. Initially, we constructed variables using our experience as newspaper readers, considering what we expected to find. Afterwards, 20% of the sample was added to the data analysis sheet, eliminating non-relevant variables and including others not initially considered. The data obtained after adding the photos to the Data Analysis Sheet was statistically analyzed using the program SPSS for Windows. 3. Findings
3.1. Days Distribution Images show an uneven weekly distribution, so that on Mondays and Saturdays we found a lesser amount of photos published while Sundays concentrated 21% of all photos studied. Important differences were found by daily: El Día published 14% of its immigration images on Sundays while La Provincia had a little over 34% on that day.
3.2. Preferred Sections Immigration pictures are usually published under the “Events” section. Canarias 7 uses this section the most: 22.4% of its images were found there. The smallest frequency for this section was found on Tenerife’s daily El Día with only 15.1%.
3.3. Photo Sources Findings should not be interpreted as a mirror of reality, but rather as the newspaper’s own version of what it says it does, given the fact that they are seldom honest about the origin of their images. Often, after a photo from a news agency is archived and then reused, it mysteriously becomes a photo done by the newspaper, and cited as its property on the caption. On the May 3, 2007 edition of La Provincia, a photo featuring the Government’s Vice President along with Durao Barroso and Franco Frattini in Brussels is shown with a caption citing the newspaper as its source, something initially questionable unless they actually sent a photographer to cover the event. It turns out the photo belongs to Reuters’ photographer, Thierry Roge and was first published the year before by papers from all over the country [5]. On other occasions, police courtesy photos, given as publicity of arrests or seizures, are also cited on the captions as belonging to the newspaper, as it is the case of the photo printed on page 41 of the November 1, 2007 edition of El Día newspaper. If we take for good the data provided on the photo captions, the newspapers analyzed use news agency photos moderately, as 56% of images of immigrants or of immigration are said to be taken by their own photographers while 37% belonged to agencies, especially Agencia Efe. Some photo captions, however, do not provide information on the source of the pictures. Canarias 7 newspaper incurs the most in this habit, while at the other end Diario de Avisos always mentions the sources of their photos. With these caveats, we show the findings on sources by leading newspapers.
3.4. Genres Used
3.5. Photojournalism / Photo Illustration On most occasions the illustrative photo prevails over the informative. Only in the case of El Día daily we found a greater percentage of action photos (42%) over mere illustrations (36.1%). The third type studied, the image that relates to current affairs, despite not being photojournalism, also plays an important role in all dailies analyzed, ranging between 21.2% in La Provincia and in 25.9% in Canarias 7.
3.6. Image’s Central Figures We should clarify that police, soldiers or medical personnel often appear as secondary or tertiary characters on the photos instead of as central figures, and are always surrounded by other many human figures. This usually happens on images of fishing boat arrivals or of illegal aliens detention centres (immigrant prisons) where these professional are shown medically treating them, rescuing or arresting them, but not as central image figures despite being part of the picture. In this section we have also analyzed the way each group is represented. The number of people appearing on an image is not exactly relevant on its own but this data became interesting after we correlated it with the other variable we just mentioned: the image’s central figure. We counted how many people were on each photo and after crossing both variables, we obtained results that clearly indicates the “central figure” variable has a significant relationship with the “number of persons” variable (Pearson’s square chi test; α≤0,05). Certain central figures tend to be photographed alone or in small groups, while others usually appear on medium or large sized groups, with the discursive implications this has. The largest differences were found among immigrants and politicians. The first have an elevated tendency to be photographed in large groups (in 32.2% of photos featuring them as central figures they appear with 11 or more persons), while politicians tend to be featured on their own or in small groups (in just 13% of occasions they are photographed in groups of 11 or more persons). When the politician is shown along with somebody else, it is usually with an unknown person (in a meeting), with immigrants (during a visit to a centre) or with soldiers (on a parade). The immigrant, however, tends to be shown with other immigrants, and when he appears on his own the picture is usually a close up that seeks emotional impact (injured after a travelling on a fishing boat, etc.) On the table below we show the most salient central figures, discarding those with low frequency.
In this section, dailies show notable differences amongst themselves in relation to the province analyzed. Las Palma’s two leading newspapers have a greater tendency to represent the immigrant community in small groups while Tenerife’s dailies lean towards showing them in larger groups. In the western province small groups (of one to three people) represent 41% of pictures featuring immigrants as leading characters, while in the eastern province they are just 32.2%. Large groups, on the other hand, are less frequent in Las Palmas (28%) in comparison to Santa Cruz de Tenerife (37.4%). Something similar happens with politicians’ representation, it is more balanced in Las Palmas province: Western dailies show politicians more frequently in small groups (85.7%) than the eastern press (49.4%). Large groups (11 persons or more) are shown in 19.4% of photos published on La Provincia and Canarias 7, while El Día and Diario de Avisos show only 5.7%. 3.7. Immigrants’ Origins Immigrants’ Origins
If we group the leading newspapers by province, North African immigrants appear with a greater frequency in the eastern newspapers than in the western ones (9.1% and 3.3%, respectively). These figures refer to all published photos in each leading paper, without excluding those showing no immigrants. These differences are not observed in the case of the Sub-Saharans because all dailies show similar figures with the exception of El Día. This newspaper gives a big importance to this community in its immigration pictures considering that they are the central figures on 57.1% of their photos. When correlating the “place of origin” variable with the “central figure’s action” variable, we observed significant relationships (Pearson’s chi square test; α≤0,05). The likelihood of being photographed doing something depends on the origin of the central figure. For example, Sub-saharian citizens do not appear doing the same actions as those coming from Latin America. In order to compare these two variables we excluded immigrants from Eastern Europe, the Middle East, those whose origin is unknown and those coming different countries, because their percentage was too low to be considered relevant. (They are hardly photographed in the analyzed press). Sub-Saharans are usually photographed receiving medical attention or being rescued (45.5%). On other occasions they are shown being arrested (11.1%), trying to enter illegally by boat (21.7%); or waiting in a passive attitude (17.5%). They are rarely shown performing positive actions such as working (3.2%) or studying (4.8%, in photos of unaccompanied minors). If we consider the sum of negative and positive actions, the differences among the leading dailies are not important. However, a couple of interesting elements are worth mentioning. In El Día, Sub-Saharans (minors) are shown studying more frequently than in the rest of the dailies (11.7% compared to 1.19% observed in the other dailies). Furthermore, both western province dailies tend to publish more images of Sub-Saharans getting arrested which is the most negative action: 14.4% compared to 6.9% observed on the eastern province’s newspapers. Moroccans and those coming from other North African countries are photographed in a similar fashion as their neighbours from the South, almost always on board fishing boats: in 13.6% of all occasions trying to enter illegally; 22.7% being arrested and 45.5% getting medical attention or being rescued. Only 4.5% of photos they are shown working but never studying. Because this is a small sample, we did not analyze the results by leading newspapers. Asians jumped into the media agenda as a result of the Marine I case, a ship with technical deficiencies, called by the press “a junk ship”, which carried 369 immigrants from different origins on board, with Indians as the predominant group. Pictures of Asians are scarce and almost all the ones found refer to this ship, showing immigrants piled up on the deck. Sometimes they were shown in a passive attitude, receiving medical attention or being rescued (after landing in Mauritania). The Latin Americans are central figures in few images (21 against 189 for Sub-Saharans) and are photographed in different attitudes: they never appear in a passive attitude and in a 23.8% of the images they are shown working. But they also appear engaging in negative actions. In higher frequency (33.3%), they are shown being arrested and are never portrayed studying. 3.8. Inmigration and crime However, no significant data was obtained after we crossed the “police” variable with the image’s central figure. Most of the time the picture only shows seized material and no person is portrayed. However, the association Sub-Saharian to police and soldiers is relevant (Pearson´s chi square test; α ≤ 0.05 and fixed residue ≥ ± 1.96); If a police or soldier is portrayed on a photo so is a Sub-saharian in 47.5% of occasions. The correlation is also significant when the “police” variable is represented by judges, attorneys, prosecutors, and the “central figure” variable is a person from Northern Africa: in 40% of all occasions he or she will be accompanied by a representative of the judicial. 3.9. Photo angles We are interested in finding out the perspective from which the different characters that appear in immigration images are portrayed and corroborate if there are preferences when photographing each one. If we correlate the two nominal variables (“central figure” and “angle”) we observe that the preferred angling is always the frontal one, but we also found there are big differences in the use of the up shot and the down shot techniques. Thus, immigrants are photographed from bird’s eye view 105 times, with a frequency of 31.1% (almost 1 out of every 3 photos on immigrants is taken from above). At the other end, politicians are photographed in this fashion only 2.4% of times. Academics, experts and NGO representatives (7.1%) and police and soldiers (17.2%) would be in the middle. There are also differences in the use of the down shot (upward camera angle). This time, soldiers are the preferred objects with a 17.2%. Politicians have a similar frequency with a 15.7%, the academics and the experts, a 14.3%. Immigrants are again very distant from the other groups: this technique is only used in 5.9% of their images. Camara angle and central figure If we study the use of the up and down shots in relation to their origin, the most belittleling photo perspective obtained is used on Africans whether they are Sub Saharans or from the North. The first appear on 37.7% of photos with an up shot angle and in 6.4% of photos with a down shot angle; the second group in 30.6% and 2,8%, respectively. Latin Americans and those coming from Eastern Europe are photographed in a more generous manner, preferably in frontal angles (92.3% y 80%). By dailies, the western province presents again a better treatment towards the immigrant community by moderating the use of the up shot angle and providing more frontal shot pictures. Canarias 7 is the one that offers the best figures and El Dia the worst. If we group all the leading newspapers together per province, 71% of immigrants’ photos in La Provincia and Canarias 7 appear with a frontal angle, and 25.3% in an up shot angle. In El Día and Diario de Avisos these figures change to 54.3% and 37.3% respectively. 3.10. Conclusions In the leading dailies studied the emphasis is placed on the African immigration that arrives on fishing boats. The pictures on immigration that a reader from the Canary Islands sees in the press almost always portray African immigrants trying to illegally enter the islands’ coasts. The common citizen runs the risk of viewing reality as it is portrayed and to relate immigration only to this “problematic” side of the issue. This tendency is similar in the four dailies studied, with slight differences regarding the amount of images of immigrants from North Africa (slightly greater in Las Palmas dailies), probably due to the fact that Moroccan fishing boats tend to have the eastern islands as their destiny. Immigration is represented preferably in large groups. Pictures of individuals or small groups appear on a smaller proportion than other groups such as soldiers, police or politicians. These homogenizing practices deprive readers of a more personal, contextualized and closer perspectives. Newspapers are not interested in immigrants’ individuality; there is a process of homogenizing minorities and denying their diversity. The lack of in depth photos within the studied leading newspapers (that is more noticeable in Santa Cruz de Tenerife province) makes it more difficult to learn about the actual dimensions of the immigration phenomenon. This diversion is not exclusive of the Canary Islands’ press, since many images come from national or international news agencies. Muñiz, Igartúa and Otero (2006) found similar results in national newspapers. The average citizen does not have contact with immigrants on a regular basis. Instead they have a vicarious experience through mass media. This is why media discourse can be of vital importance in the formation of opinion. Almost 70% of immigrants’ pictures portray citizens from the North of Africa or Sub-Saharans. In the Islands, these images are complemented with editorials and statements such as the archipelago suffers an “invasion of Africans of a pure black race –excepting AIDS or infectious diseases– which as everyone knows predominates over the white one when they are mixed” (Ardévol, 2008), which are spilled over a foundation of fear and ignorance. While it is true that the great majority of the population does not assume racial contents to that extreme, it is also true that that population can easily overestimate the reality of a community (the African) that in mid 2006 did not even represent 14% of the totality of immigrants in the Canary Islands. On the other hand, focusing the visual discourse solely on an illegal immigration entering through the sea can also confuse the reader, who usually ignores the fact that 90% of the Islands´ immigration enters through air. Even if we only consider illegal immigration, most of the immigrants enter the islands legally through an airplane and with a tourist visa. In Tenerife’s case, 2005 figures show that: Only among the African arrivals do maritime routes reach a higher weight (51.5% in the case of Morocco and Argelia, 38.6% in the remaining African arrivals). Surprisingly, 30.56% of people who stated they entered without documentation did so by air while 36.11% entered aboard a small boat, 25% on a merchant ship and 8.33% on a regular sea line (Godenau and Zapata, 2007: 90) The contrary occurs in pictures featuring Latin American: this community appears on 10% of the pictures when they represent almost 35% of the total of immigrants in the Canary Islands 3.10.1. The photographer’s perspective and the reader’s perspective The camera angle has, without a doubt, implications in the psychology of perception. It is true that the photographer sometimes cannot choose the angle because he cannot modify his perspective, for example, when he is taking a picture of a deck from a pier surrounded by the police that do not allow him to move freely. However, the image’s perspective will always influence the way the reader decodes what is shown in the photographic copy. One out of three immigrants are shown in up shot angle photos, so they are shown from above, belittled, with a perspective that makes them look weak, passive, and subordinated, unable to stand up for themselves, especially if we add the fact that many times they are shown dehydrated, exhausted and not doing anything in particular. The down shot, that magnifies the object and suggests authority and therefore is very much used on politicians, is almost never used on them. Preferences on the type of immigration are shown with the Latin Americans, who are almost always portrayed in frontal angle shots that convey relations of equality. Besides the angle used on the pictures, actions by immigrants portrayed in the images contribute to the immigrant’s representation as dependant, unfit: in almost half of the pictures with Africans as central figures, these are shown receiving medical attention or being rescued by the Coast Guards. These findings coincide with those of Van Dijk’s regarding minorities in the European press, with the exception that the Dutch scholar centered on the texts and not on the images. […] The thematic structure suggests minorities lack methods to go forward, that they have no initiative and are ignorant victims [...]. Minority groups in any part of the Northwest occupy a similar position and always subordinated. [Minorities appear] on headlines as patient or as experiencing the actions of others (1997). 3.10.2. The immigration-criminality binomial This research has allowed us to observe the way press photography contributes to the formation of a generalized discourse which homogenizes the immigration phenomena and relates it to a diverse array of problems, particularly to health and economic problems as well as to lack of security and to crime. The visual and textual framing therefore contributes to the creation of stereotypes and prejudice. The visual information, that helps to understand and to retain written contents, is used in a perverse manner, consciously or unconsciously, creating a discourse which promotes exclusion, instead of integration. 4. Notes [1] According to the data provided by Office for the Justification of Media Circulation (Oficina de Justificación de la Difusión, OJD), El Día is the most widely read newspaper in Santa Cruz de Tenerife, with daily average print run of 24,276 issues during the period studied. Diario de Avisos follows with a daily print run average of 12,538 issues. In Las Palmas, La Provincia leads with 30,129 issues, not too far from Canarias 7 with a daily print run average of 29,524 issues. Data is available at [2] Nationals from the Schengen Agreement zone have the right to work and retire in the European Union (EU) country of their choice, with some restrictions. Thus, workers coming from countries recently incorporated to EU could have limited working rights within the job market in the rest of the states for a maximum period of seven years. Thirteen states of the EU (Belgium, Denmark, Germany, Greece, Spain, France, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Austria, Portugal, Finland and Sweden) fully apply Schengen regulations, including Norway and Iceland. Data available at [3] Here we refer to an ethnic minority as a subordinated group or in risk of subordination, respect to the majority or dominant group. It is easy to understand why we have excluded some groups of foreigners from our analysis. [4] In order to tell between the photos that are journalistic and those that are not, we used De Pablos (2003) classification. Pictures with action and information, the only ones that can be defined as photojournalism, are denominated informative, while those that are not newsworthy are illustrative. A third type of photo, that falls between the informative and the illustrative picture, would be the photo that shows no action or information but depicts currentness: it will be refer to as current affairs photo. [5] On May 25, 2006, we found the same image on the online version of La Voz de Asturias, with information on its caption about the actual origin of the photo. Photo available at 5. References Abreu, C. (2004). "El análisis cualitativo de la foto de prensa". Revista Latina de Comunicación Social, 57 - enero-junio. 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(2008): "Particularidades de la fotografía informativa en los medios online españoles". Revista Latina de Comunicación Social, 63 Disponible en la siguiente URL: http://www.ull.es/publicaciones/latina/08/25_37_UAB/Maria_Isabel_Villa.html (3.8.08) Zapata, V. M. (2006). El conocimiento del fenómeno inmigratorio en Canarias: perspectiva científica y preocupación institucional, en Inmigración en Canarias: contexto, tendencias y retos. Jornadas celebradas en Las Palmas de Gran Canaria y Santa Cruz de Tenerife. Santa Cruz de Tenerife: Fundación Pedro García Cabrera. Disponible en la siguiente URL:(19/6/08). |
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