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Social Representations and Citizenship Practices in a Rural Community: A Strategic Communication Contribution

Luciana Trimano, Ph. D. Student [C.V.] School of Information Sciences – National University of Córdoba – Argentina - lucianatrimano@gmail.com

Paulina-Beatriz Emanuelli, Ph. D. [C.V.] School of Information Sciences – National University of Córdoba – Argentina - paulinaemanuelli@gmail.com

Abstract: The community of Las Calles, located in Traslasierra Valley, in the westof CórdobaProvince, Argentina, is characterised by a unique combination of rural and touristiclife anda largeurban to rural migration movement. In this sense, a diversity of cultural groups and identities coexist in thiscommunity. These cultural groups are part of “culture” as a strategic arena for the understanding of the tensions that tear apart and reconcile the “being together”continuum.This paper analyses social representations and interactions among actors from emergingand existing cultures (hippies and paisas, respectively) in this rural community, as well as the emergence of newcodesand citizenshippractices. Citizenship interactions and practices demand the review and redesign of the “current” sociocultural integration and management policies. Here is where strategic communication can and must contribute to the promotion of this community’s territorial and local development.

Keywords: Strategic communication, social representations, citizenship practices.

Summary: 1. Introduction. 2. Agroecology and the debate about sociocultural integration. 3. Culture and the contribution of strategic communication to rural development plans. 4. Las Calles: one society, disparate identities. 5. The role of communicators in rural development plans. 6. Final considerations. 7. Bibliography. 8. Notes.

Translation by Yanina Gullini, BA in Translation (Universidad Nacional de Córdoba) – Edition by Magdalena Altier, BA in Communication Studies (Universidad Nacional de Córdoba, Argentina)

1. Introduction

This article aims to provide an overview of the new repertoires and citizenship practices emerging and developing in the community of Las Calles, located in Traslasierra Valley, in west Córdoba Province, Argentina. This study presents an analysis of the social representations and interactions between actors from emerging and existing cultures (hippies and paisas) in this rural area. With so many sociocultural upheavals, such interactions and practices demand the review and redesign of the “current” policies for sociocultural integration and management. From the perspective of agroecology and strategic communication, this article aims to contribute to the promotion of the territorial and local development of Las Calles.The main objective of this communication study is to transformation through the implementation of communication strategies. “Subjects are thus no longer perceived as intra-individuals, but as sociocultural individuals. (…) Nothing in human beings is a fragment or portion. This research approach is based on a non-dualistic perspective that incorporates the vast complexities of phenomena and the continuum of theworld” (Massoni, 2005: 3-4).

Transformations in economy and national policy by the end of the 20th century, combined with technological developments in agriculture, affected the socio-agricultural structure and the individuals immersed in it, which signalled a new stage of capitalism in rural contexts (Muzlera, 2009: 5). This transformational phenomenon that occurred in the Argentinean countryside is attributable to the abandonment of protectionist and redistributive policies, the privatisation of service companies and the dismantling of public agencies that supported the agricultural sector. This combination of factors impacted the most vulnerable layers of the socio-agricultural structure and weakened the medium-size producers, who had to play the new rules of the game or perish (Gras and Hernández, 2009: 13). The remaining agricultural space “…has become a farmer-less space that is cultivated on a partial-time basis, during people’s spare time, and is part of a highly deteriorated environment that has been affected by the abandonment of old organisational regulations” (Egea-Fernández and Egea-Sánchez, 2008: 100).

The analysis of the tension between the emerging and existing cultures includes abrief review of our understanding of “culture” andproposes, through a detailed theoretical framework, an alternative approach to review and redesign the “current” policies on sociocultural integration and management: the agroecological paradigm. The first part of this paper offers a brief account of the different approaches used to study citizenship practices in rural communities, our subject matter. The second section approachesour subject matter from the viewpoint of strategic communication. The third part describes the characteristics of the rural community under study. The final part addresses the role of the communicator in the development of strategies to contribute to the local territory development, and presents the final reflections.

2. Agroecology and the debate about sociocultural integration

From the past decades, globalisation, as a process of inclusion and exclusion, is reigniting the debate about cultural identities –ethnic, racial, local or regional– and transforming culture into a strategic space for the understanding of the tensions that tear apart and reconcile togetherness (Martin-Barbero, 2009).

In this scenario,the dissemination of new consumer patterns and living habits, the built-up of urban systems, the advance of communicationsystems and the ever-growing mobility of the population are radically changing the organisational pattern of territories, displacing or erasing almost completely all frontiers between the rural and urban spheres (Linck, 2001: 10). This is a fundamental premise to understand the development of agricultural activities and the weight that rural-urban relationships are currently gaining. New unexpected ruptures and unprecedented dynamics warn us about the emergence of new actors in the rural arena.

The context shows that it is necessary to analyse what is known or acknowledged as “new ruralities” or “rural-urban interactions”. Political economy (Engels); history (Lefebvre, 2004); geography (Santos, 1999); and psychology (Anderson or Guigou on the ’60s) have all warned about the trend towards the "extinction of the rural universe" and the complete "artificialisation of the environment." In the 1990s, the recognition of the urbanisation trend in rural environments led to the creation of such terms as “rurbanity", "rururbanity” and “new rurarilities” (coined by Charles Galpin in 1918), which are currently being studied and debated. Along this line, the recent work by Schneider (2001), José-Graziano da-Silva and Mauro Eduardo Del-Grossi (2001), Hugo Vela et al. (2003) and Giarraca (2003) highlight the proliferation of non-agricultural activities in the rural environment. This phenomenon is related to the modernisation of agriculture and the changes in family structures, the required employment profiles, and the emergence of pluriactivity as a survival strategy (Kenbel and Cimadevilla, 2009).

The VI Conference of the Latin-American Rural Sociology Association (2002) analysed the "globalisation of agriculture", including territorial uses and definitions. In this sense, Frederick H. Buttelre commends to expand globalisation studies to include a "political economy and sociology of the agricultural systems”. He highlights the need for research that takes into consideration the agricultural transformations related to the global-local interactions, the society-nature and homogenisation-resistance dichotomies (Salete Barbosa-Cavalcanti and Neiman, 2002). For Buttel, the conflicts caused by the structural changes in modern agriculture may be solved with the agroecological paradigm (Sánchez-de-Puerta, 2004:153). This perspective is supported by Eduardo Sevilla-Guzmán, who has focused on finding historical and contemporary alternatives to conventional agriculture and the management of natural resources. Based on a "pluri-epistemological" approach, he has created a discipline that merges local and scientific knowledge on natural and social sciences, and agroecology (Sevilla-Guzmán, 2006: 174-175). He also suggests that agribusinessmay lead to acculturation (Sevilla-Guzmán, 2006: 154).

The development of the concept of sustainable agriculture is a relatively recent response to the concern for the degradation of natural resources (…), which relates agriculture to financial, social and ecological variables (Altieri, 1987 in Altieri, 1995). Gómez Benito states that the persistence of cultural diversity –understood as the preservation of traditional agricultural systems, practices, techniques, know-hows, and logics of production and relations in their environments– is inherent to the preservation of biodiversity and must be crucial in the strategy aimed at its conservation. Traditional cultures are viewed as hosts and curators of the knowledge that can be activated in new models for local development (Gómez-Benito, 1994: 129-130).

3. Culture and the contribution of strategic communication to rural development plans

A typical characteristic of the current rural world is that it experiencesintercultural situations set up by the differences between cultures that developed separately and by the dissimilar and unique ways in which each separate group appropriates, combines and transforms the elements of varied societies (García-Canclini, 1994: 43). The ever-growing and ever-freer movement of people, capitals and messages, as well as the permanent contact with different cultures, configure hybrid identities (García-Canclini, 1994: 44) that are therefore multi-ethnic, multi-language, migrating, and constituted by elements from varied cultures that have mingled together.

Migration leads the spatial mobility of the population, which is characterised by the frequent –and often multiple– temporary changes (…) (Giusti and Calvelo, 1999: 22). Rural space transformation is cause and consequence of multiform migration logics that give birth to new migration profiles that are permanently regenerating (Domenach, 2007: 16). And those processes are related to the development of othernesses, which are evidenced in the heart of societies and are prone to be identified, differentiated and stigmatised (Margulis, 1997: 50). Migration involves a cultural leap, an irreversible rootlessness, a wound in the social, cultural and emotional ties. It always (…) bears a cost on the ways in which it is possible to become part of a new world of signs, senses, habits and values. The native’s naturalness and cultural competence is never achieved –as in the case of hippies. There always remains some degree of reminiscence in the use of codes, accents and body features that heralds the condition of a foreigner, an intruder, of someone whose legitimacy is under a close look. “And, although migration does not exhaust the universe of racism and discrimination, it is –and has always been– one of the main factors in the social establishment of the "other" as stranger, foreigner, and illegitimate” (Margulis, 1997: 50).

Most research on rural-urban relations (in Argentina) are focused on the role of globalisationin agricultural transformations during the late20th century; the cancellation of national development projects and their replacement by the neoliberal model; the integration of the production sectors to the international markets; and the migration from the countryside to the city. Although the urbanisation of the countryside and the contradictions between the rural and urban scenarios havein fact beenexplored, the complexity of the current world forces us to pose new questions in orderto understanding the meaning of social phenomena in the culture they arise and in their very present, here and now.

Thus, this article examines common sense within the rural universe from the perspective of social representations. This knowledge undergoes a high tension due to the convergence into one territory of several philosophical worldviews (Vasilachis-de-Gialdino, 1993: 18). In this situation strategic communication can and must contribute to the promotion of territorial and local development.To address this process, it is necessary to assess the system on the move, and this is where communication unfolds its strategic relevance. It is essential to recognise that the social space is a complex and conflictive reality in which many actors coexist. These actors have diverse interests and needs and play protagonist and secondary roles, which allow them to participatein common issues (Massoni, 2007: 131). Each of these worlds interacts permanently with each other and in so doing they configure the social dynamics (Massoni, 2009: 10). Communication is the relational moment of cultural diversity and is therefore a space for change, for transformation. This “convergence” is medullar of the specifically communicational approach and the strategies are analytical devicesthat contribute to the creation of a conversational social change based on that space (Massoni, 2009: 5). “Communicational interaction enables the modelling and unification of collective wills, and allows the setting of a common group goal (a project) and a consistent interpretation of reality (…)”. “The chance for the individual to find its place and define his/her self in a social order, inside a group, relies on his/her involvement in such group.” Therefore, (…) the identity construction of a collective self occurs in motion (París-Pombo, 1990: 125).

“Strategic communication is a communicational approach focused on convergence” (Massoni, 2009).

4. Las Calles: one society, disparate identities

During the last decade, land exploitation in the Traslasierra Valley, in the western area of Córdoba Province, has undergone strong and deep changes: the reduction of native bush land due to the invasion of agriculture, mining operations, and real estate urbanisation for tourism. Productive systems that had preserved a valuable agrodiversity have been transformed in terms of production and technology. The community of Las Callesis immersedin this broad context and is characterised by a unique combination of rural and touristic elements. The changes in social organisation reveal the broad migrating movement from the city to the countryside; and reflect a society formed by diverse cultural groups in which disparate identities are mingled. All this, combined with the advance of modernised production methodologies that incorporate transnational factors to the regiondevelopment, challenge traditions and disassemble farmers' typical productive systems and the activities of the locals.

The community is formed by family producers, farmers and cattle farmers that produce a variety of grains, fruits, vegetables, goats, and cattle for self-consumption and for the market. There are two types of urban residents, those who manufacture their productions for self-consumption with an organic and ecological approach, in a biodiverse and sustainable way, and building contractors and touristic entrepreneurs that work in the construction of cabañas (a particular type of cottage-accommodation typical of that region). Moreover, the high demand for organic productsin Las Calles, reflected in the different fairs and stores, has led to the emergence of a new social actor: the natural products and craftsstallholders.

The situation of the production networks shows the main aspects of the tension arising between an existing culture and anemerging one: the hippie-paisa dyad. “… Multiculturalism is the burst with which cultural communities react to the threat that globalisation poses on diversity and the dynamic contradictions it sets in motion…” (…) Globalisation exasperates identities (Martín-Barbero, 2005: 35). In democratic countries like Argentina, this is evidenced in the enemy-like treatment given by citizens to immigrantsfrom neighbouringcountries. Likewise, in our rural community, those individuals moving in from the city are reviled by the locals, who use the pejorative word “hippie” to name them, which links them to a countercultural movement and a constellation of alleged characteristics. On the other hand, the newcomers use the pejorative term “paisas” (a short version of the word "paisanos" –Spanish for “village people”–) to refer to the native people. Of creole origin and a strong Hispanic legacy, this ideal type, construed by urban newcomers, is associated to a multiplicity of sociocultural manifestations. In this sense, immigrants underappreciate natives and mock their typical songlike intonation, which is associated to a low cultural level. Natives are also associated with deception, fraud and cheating strategies; this is why hippies argue they need to be very careful when negotiating with a paisa. While their productive activity is fundamentally agricultural, their economy is currently industrialised and globalised. This is a trench from which newcomers attack, advocating speeches on biodiversity and sustainable agriculture. On the other hand, the natives argue that the migration movement from the city to the countryside, with the modernised production techniques they carry along, corrupts the tradition and disassembles historical practices and activities preserved by their communities.

To this point, we see subjective-level transformations signal a breakthrough in family-bound agriculture. For these new actors, the ownership of land is no longer the basis for identity-reclamation (…). There is a disarray of the “countryman” favouring other productive activities. “…This is no longer about the agricultural knowledge of the farmer, about that know-how-to passed through generations; no, this is about an institutionalised knowledge learnt from post-graduate programs in agribusiness, with the additions of the associative and media environments. This way, the educational and multiplying role of agribusiness will gain more and more legitimacy.” Furthermore, a breakthrough in the social aspiration horizon emerges among actors; a new service-provider actors' network begins to web in this scenario, linking them in a flexible way, as many of them have been set aside from the productive process (Gras and Hernández in Muscio, 2010: 2).

In turn, the historical picture of these peoples as “living on land” may be undergoing a change: most of the incomes related to agricultural activities do not come from the work on their own exploitation, but from related activities. The productive activities recognised as the boosters of local economy have changed (Gras and Hernández in Muscio, 2010: 3). There is a further focus on the relationship to land, to the productive process, the way of being rural and the tensions these subjects are involved in within the new productive model, in which the pillars of their identity are challenged. The relationship to production means acquires flexibility, family work is reduced, farming techniques change, traditional moral values are modified and, ultimately, the whole way of being is altered. Lastly, the philosophical worldview in the construal of the daily world in the emerging culture differs from the existing, and determines the socialisation ways for the community.

Based on the “theory of social representations,” the issue of the confrontation of diverse ideas (paisas vs. hippies) inherent to modern societies is settled. As a practical knowledge body, social representations establish a subject-object bond (Jodelet, 1989: 43) in a triple sense. On the one hand, because they emerge from interactive and communicational exchange experiences inside institutions; on the other hand, social practices are a condition for SRs to exist, because the demand to assume new situations or activities leads to the creation of them; and, finally, because they are used by individuals to act on other members of the society or to adjust their behaviours in social life (Castorina, 2005: 217).

By means of the creation of SRs, the existing group from Las Calles generates a standard to tag any strange, foreign or incomprehensible aspect of the events, and social differentiation processes are materialised. Modifications introduced by globalisation in such signification systems alter the daily experiences and the apprehension categories of a whole philosophical worldview in the construal of the daily world as an object of knowledge.

It is necessary to express the consequences these changes imply in the citizenship practices (as they are conditional), regarding these as social practices (as per Pierre Bourdieu). This deals with strategies implemented by social agents, who are not necessarily aware of such implementation, to protect their interests related to the position they hold (based on the capital accrued) in the social field included in the scope of this research. To assess the reasons why social practices from two agent groups occupying an equivalent position within a field may be so different, we must include the backgrounds of the positions and the habits incorporated by the agents now holding such positions. When materialised as a system of willingness to act on a certain way, as opposed to another alternative way, related to a definition of “what is possible” and “what is not possible,” from “this concerns us” to “this does not concern us,” (Bourdieu, 2007: 104) habits perform like perception and appreciation schemes to measure objective potentialities and, this way, like the bone marrow of a social practice structuring (Gutiérrez, 2005: 101).

A specific social field resembles a battle field in which the preservation or the transformation of the forces engaged are defined. “Those who, in a determinate state of relation of the forces, monopolise (more or less wholly) the particular capital object of power or authority specific to that field, are prone to conservative strategies (those which tend to advocate orthodoxy within cultural asset production fields) and those who have less capital (which frequently are the newcomers) are more prone to using the subversion strategies, those based on heresy.” (Bourdieu, 1976b: 137).

Both ways to approach the reality subject to this study are equally partial. Through citizenship practices, the objective relationships conditioning practice are recovered (social, cultural, financial, and productive conditions), yet there is no way to account for the sense experienced in them. Meanwhile, the subjectivist thinking line considers the sense acquired from the practices, the perceptions and the representations of actors, regardless social and financial conditions underlying the basis of their experiences. This way, if both concepts are tied to dissimilar conceptual frames and both represent two different moments of the sociological analysis, they must irreversibly resolve in a dialect relationship to obtain a consummate reconnaissance of reality.

The topic dealt with is one aspect that accounts for the comprehension of the dynamics of transformations in an agricultural social structure, and it is vital for it to understand the following: How do social representations and citizenship practices of the actors migrating from the city to the countryside currently affect the process of sociocultural transformation and integration in the rural community?

In other words, from an agroecological viewpoint based on ecological basic principles to assess, design and manage productive agro-eco-systems that preserve the natural resources and which are culturally sensitive, socially fair, and financially viable. Knowledge of the popular wisdom and skills of the farmers is encouraged, along with the identification of the endless potential hidden in the reassembly of biodiversity aiming at nurturing a useful synergy that provides agro-eco-systems with the ability to self-maintain or regaining their inherent state of natural stability. Only by preserving cultural diversity may we be capable of attaining Sustainability (Altieri, 1999: 9-10). “…The selection and preservation of our legacies is a productive activity that strengthens the creation of economic value, symbolic value (constituent of the memory, the territoriality and national identity, along with other more specific identities) and political value (relating to the hegemonic aspect y and the citizens' rights)…” (Mantecón, 2005: 67).

5. The role of communicators in rural development plans

The task of a communicator in the recognition of diversity and sociocultural asymmetries is to scrutinise and interpret the potential hinge points to articulate singularities, based on the diverse interests and needs of social groups that acknowledge each other based on a cultural matrix difference, to operate from that point in a specific matter. […] Strategic communication does not pursue a generalised social agreement […], but a space for conversation, […] a recovery from conflict based on a methodology that emphasises such portion of the common problem to which each actor may contribute. “In this sense, involvement is not consensus-bound; instead, it favours sociocultural dissent and promotes action arising from a genuine interest of the actors involved, instead of from a mandate.” The communicator who manages to implement the strategy is working towards the generation and discovery of involvement devices based on the interests and needs of each actor in the matter he/she is addressing (Massoni, 2009: 16).

Strategic communication deals not with a message to be disclosed, but rather with a problem to be solved. Its solution involves the recognition of social actors as protagonists in a theme play, and performing from a socioculturally-bound matrix that permeates all their actions with a specific operational logic.

“By means of mediations we manage to measure the fluency, the precise moment in which thinking materialises in action, habits as a sociocultural matrix internalisation are updated into social practices which are no longer a repeated expression of its axial grammar, but the chance for their own metamorphosis based on the new context. Mediation captures this transformational moment in sociocultural matrixes. This is, an analysis carried out from the social agents' standpoint, not so much from an individual standpoint. The way groups and social segments behave is determined by their internal coherence; i.e., by the way they correlate with each other, and between groups and segments. Sociocultural matrixes research aims at capturing such coherence, that logic and its implementation by means of mediations, not as an inventory of features that are described in a once-in-a-lifetime compendium, but to poll for resonances when faced to specific activity designs. A scrutiny of the sociocultural heterogeneity in the communicational situation and around the problem under research” (Massoni, 2009: 11).

6. Final considerations

The procedure to create responses to the research problem submitted was carried out this way:

The selection of observation units was performed using a typological order. The research universe was made up by the social actors from the emerging culture (hippies) and the existing culture (paisas) in the community of Las Calles, Córdoba, Argentina. To learn their opinions, knowledge, representations and attitudes, a series of data collection instruments was devised: exploratory interviews (with low structuring) to key informers (technical, officials, producers with a vast family history in the region, rural teachers, urban real estate entrepreneurs, organic urban farmers, fair-people, etc.).

The study analysis dimensions were defined. This definition allowed for the design of the structured interview, with open and closed questions, for the different actors, using a non-probability sampling approach.

Given our interest in getting qualitative-value information, instead of quantitative, the choice was justified by the theoretical interests involved in the research topic. In this exploratory stage, to recognise knowledge, values, practices and rural devices of these social agents –either existing or emerging–, open interviews were carried out among subjects from mixed ages, genres and jobs. Interviews were held in situ, in the site men and women in both categories live and/or work, and in one or more meetings in the context of family groups. Among the specific topics addressed in the conversations, some topics were previously planned and others came up during conversation sessions with the social actors interviewed. Each session was used to gather observations with zero involvement and to run field records. The production relations governing in that region clearly set the ruling tensions between one culture and the other (the hippie-paisa dyad).

During the work, Las Calles has been recognised as a harmonising space for groups that act and perceive differently, as they operate on separate sociocultural matrixes (Massoni, 2009). The strategic communication theory offered a conceptual toolset to facilitate rethinking of communication in a relational tuning. Therefore, such model turned into an alternative way to revise and redesign “current” sociocultural integration and management policies, and provided a contribution oriented to promote territory and local development. This position involved a substantial contribution: to overcome the traditional characterisation of receivers and ways of communication, to think on the emergence of actors around issues, attempting at facilitating communion spaces. It also enabled us to think about the development of the abilities of the people involved as territory change agents; acknowledging their different realities and honouring their diverse cultural identities and knowledge (Massoni, 2009).

In the research field, regarded as an empirical referent, manifest senses and relations were unveiled; and information to reveal tensions and inner contradictions in the culture of the social subjects of the rural community was gathered. We had the chance to restrict the theoretical problem definition, to rebuild the organisation and the logic inherent to these social groups and to reformulate the own theoretical model based on the rebuilt social logic.

It is worth clarifying that the problem dealt with came up on a primary approximation to the field –Las Calles– after a community outreach scholarship granted by Universidad Nacional de Córdoba (2010) [1].. This fact facilitated the establishment of a first bond to the key informers and the rest of the interviewed subjects.

The question [2] that instils the whole work and shapes the research problem clarifies a process that is, concurrently, cultural, financial and social; and that is based on interactions, tensions, types of community action, and protection of the ecosystem. All this immersed in the rural communication architecture.

In turn, the exploratory work allowed for the adjustment of the methodology and the increase of familiarity with the case study. To nurture the knowledge body, a descriptive study of the situation was carried out, facilitating a deeper understanding of the ways in which the studied phenomenon is materialised. This treatment served as a framework for the later identification of central aspects of the countryside-city relationship analysis. Here, prevailing and emerging characteristics of such relationship in the Traslasierra Valley are clearly evidenced. A primary approach revealed the variety of rural-urban interrelations that the region is experiencing in its contemporary phase.

Lastly, there was evidence that the philosophical worldview in the construal of the daily world in the emerging culture differs from the existing, and determines the socialisation ways for the community. Said approaches emphasise, among other aspects, the need for a renewed vision to grasp the link between the rural and the urban sphere in peripheral capitalist contexts. And they represent, at least partially, the shaping and performance of heterogeneous actors that articulate urban and rural aspects.Cultural tensions are materialised in the challenge by the native views and their appreciation of the local history and culture. The natives' symbolic struggle to preserve their lifestyle is highly significant. History is also a battle field in which the different social groups attempt to influence the configuration of the historical sense and to defend their identity benchmarks. In this case, we are dealing with the locals' quest and upholding of a place in History; which is frequently subordinated to urban newcomers' definitions. An example: the building of a holiday cottage resort by urban newcomers and the submission of native youngsters to construction labour.

A culture is essentially a collective heritage, produced by the society as a whole. However, social classes' access to such heritage is differential, as is the contribution from separate social groups to the creation of that collective work given the social divisions of labour and the regional singularities, historical traditions, etc. “…Inequalities in the creation and ownership of legacies call for a deeper study, considering legacy not only as a national cohesion element, but as a space for confrontation and social negotiation, as a resource to reproduce identities and social gaps” (Mantecón, 2005: 68).

Furthermore, another phenomenon was observed in the rural-urban population, which Raymond Williams (2011) translates as an experience of the emerging and the residual. As opposed to the idea of an image of the countryside as a quiet and natural lifestyle, it was observed that in subjects migrating from the city to the countryside, they hold on to the illusion they will manage to move city life along with them; i.e., to live in the countryside with the amenities, equipment and services they enjoyed in the metropolis. This idea is largely evidenced by the excessive number of real estate ventures, among other factors.  

  • Article product of the investigation Argentinian - Uruguayan "Studies on companies, virtual and digital environments", financed by the Secretariat of University Policies of the Department of Education of the Republic Argentina (justificación.pdf)

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8. Notes

[1]The project (carried out at that time) involved the recovery of the environmental and agroecological knowledge bodies, from radial practice in school scenarios. Involvement with the population allowed me to assess the cultural tensions and differences (at the very heart of an educational institution; e.g., between native children and foreign residents) that restricted the socio-territorial development potential. Likewise, two years ago, in this same scenario, in a transdisciplinary frame (social communicators and agricultural engineer) generating contributions to build an agroecological socio-territorial development in the communities of Traslasierra.UNC.

[2] How do social representations and productive practices of the actors migrating from the city to the countryside currently affect the process of sociocultural transformation and integration in the rural community?



L. Trimano  and  P.-B. Emanuelli (2012): “Social Representations and Citizenship Practices in a Rural Community: A Strategic Communication Contribution”, at  Revista Latina de Comunicación Social, 67. La Laguna (Tenerife): La Laguna University, pages 481 to 496 retrieved on ___ de ___th of ____ of 2_______, from
DOI: 10.4185/RLCS-2012-965en/ CrossRef link

Article received on 14 may 2012. Submitted to pre-review on 16 may. Sent to reviewers on 18 may. Accepted on 20 november 2012. Galley proofs made available to the authors on 25 november 2012. Approved by authors on: 29 november 2012. Published on 14 december 2012.

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